Topics Barnabas, Evangelium. Collection opensource. Language German. Barnabasevangelium Identifier Barnabasevangelium. DOWNLOAD OPTIONS download 1 file. Barnabas Evangelium Deutsch Pdf Download. Sep 25, 2008. If these fonts have not been installed on your computer, you will need to download them and install.
. The Gospel of Barnabas is a book depicting the life of, which claims to be by the biblical who in this work is one of the. Two manuscripts are known to have existed, both dated to the late 16th or early 17th centuries, with one written in Italian and the other in Spanish. The Spanish manuscript is now, its text surviving only in a partial 18th-century transcript.
Barnabas is about the same length as the four put together, with the bulk being devoted to an account of Jesus' ministry, much of it harmonized from accounts also found in the canonical. In some key respects, it conforms to the and contradicts the New Testament teachings of. The text of this Gospel is late and. However, some academics suggest that it may contain some remnants of an earlier, work (perhaps, or ), redacted to bring it more in line with Islamic doctrine. Some Muslims consider the surviving versions as transmitting a suppressed original. Some Islamic organizations cite it in support of the.
This work should not be confused with the surviving, nor with the surviving. View of the Austrian Imperial Library, where the Italian manuscript was kept Prince Eugene's Italian manuscript had been presented to him in 1713 by John Frederick Cramer (1664-1715); and was transferred to the in in 1738 with the rest of his library. In Amsterdam sometime before 1709, Cramer had lent the manuscript to Toland, who writes that; (Mr.
Cramer) had it out of the library of a person of great name and authority in that said city; who during his life was often heard to put a high value on the piece. Whether as a rarity, or as the model of his religion, I know not. Michel Fremaux reports no success in tracking and identifying this previous owner, or in finding a corresponding manuscript listed in any Amsterdam catalogue or inventory. However, Toland's notice would imply that the unnamed deceased former owner was a prominent or by religion; and Fremaux conjectures that the manuscript may have been brought to Amsterdam by (1644-1680), either from his own activity as a collector in; or more likely from his acquisition of the papers of (1517-1592), who had assembled an extensive collection of manuscript sources in and. Cramer had published an edition of Bruto's theological writings in 1698, and Fremaux speculates that Cramer might have come across the Gospel of Barnabas in the course of his researches within Sandius's library in Amsterdam.
Otherwise, Slomp has proposed that (1630–1701), whose Amsterdam library had been auctioned-off following his death, could be the unnamed former owner of the Italian manuscript. Leti however, though hostile to the Papacy (and Sixtus V in particular) was an orthodox Calvinist in religion. The Italian manuscript has 506 pages, of which the Gospel of Barnabas fills pages 43 to 500, written within red frames in an Islamic style. The preceding pages five to forty-two are also red framed; but remain blank (other than for Cramer's presentation to Prince Eugene), and it may be inferred that some sort of preface or preliminary text was intended, although the space is much greater than would have been needed for the text of the corresponding Spanish Preface. There are chapter rubrics and margin notes in ungrammatical Arabic; with an occasional word, and many Turkish syntactical features. Its binding is Turkish, and appears to be original; but the paper has an Italian watermark, which has been dated between 1563 and 1620. The same scribe wrote both the Italian text and the Arabic notes, and was clearly 'occidental' in being accustomed to write from left to right.
There are at the bottom of each page, a practice common in manuscripts intended to be set up for. The manuscript appears to be unfinished, in that the Prologue and 222 chapters are provided throughout with framed blank spaces for titular headings, but only 28 of these spaces have been filled. This Italian manuscript formed the basis for the most commonly circulated English version, a translation undertaken by and Laura Ragg and published in 1907.
The Raggs' English version was quickly re-translated into Arabic by, in an edition published in Egypt in 1908. The Italian spelling is idiosyncratic in frequently doubling consonants and adding an intrusive initial 'h' where a word starts with a vowel (e.g. 'hanno' for 'anno'). The writer is not a professional scribe.
Otherwise, however, the orthography and punctuation indicates a hand formed in the first half of the 16th century, and in certain key respects is characteristically Venetian. The underlying dialect however, is Tuscan; and shows a number of characteristic late medieval (14th–15th-century) forms. The linguistic experts consulted by the Raggs concluded that the Vienna manuscript was most likely the work of an older Venetian scribe, copying a Tuscan original, and writing in the second half of the 16th century. The italian manuscript influenced - through John Toland's 'Nazarenus' (1718) - the early masterminds of biblical criticism as Reimarus, Lessing or Eichhorn.
Lessing´s 'Urevangeliumshypothese' (proto-gospel-theory) has been clearly affected by Toland, who thought of the Gospel of Barnabas as a recension of the hebrew gospel used by the ebionites and nazarenes. Thus, Toland identified the italian manuscript as a late descendant of an early jewish-christian gospel that has been received and transmitted by the muslim tradition. Tolands thesis has more recently been resumed by the Orientalists Shlomo Pines (1966), Marc Philonenko (1974) and Luigi Cirillo (1975). Spanish manuscript.
Church of St Barnabas in Marino, Italy. The Spanish manuscript purports to have been sourced from a 'Fra Marino', supposedly the pseudonym of a high-ranking Roman ecclesiastic. Sale says of the lost Spanish manuscript; The book is a moderate quarto. Written in a very legible hand, but a little damaged towards the latter end. It contains two hundred and twenty-two chapters of unequal length, and four hundred and twenty pages. It had been lent to Sale by Dr.
George Holme (1676-1765), Rector of Headley in Hampshire from 1718 till his death. Sale had a transcript made for his own use, and returned the original to Dr Holme; and it is recorded as being bequeathed to in Holme's will.
This manuscript, with an English translation, passed subsequently to Dr. Thomas Monkhouse, also of Queen's College, who himself lent both text and translation to Dr. Who used them for his series of in 1784.
Sale supposes that the Spanish manuscript is African in origin, but otherwise provides no indication of how Dr. Holme might have come by it; but as Holme had been chaplain to the English factory in Algiers from 1707 to 1709, a North African provenance may be inferred. Sale quotes three passages from the text in Spanish; and a further nine chapters are quoted by White in English translation. No trace is known of the original Spanish manuscript after Dr. Monkhouse's death in 1792.
However, an 18th-century copy, derived from the manuscript, was mentioned in a 1760 catalogue of the collection of manuscripts of the deceased author, where it was described as El Evangelio de Barnabas Apostol, transcribed from one in the Possession of Mr., who bought it at the Decease of Mr., fol. Then, mentions the manuscript at the end of his 1823 book, where Hone describes why he did not include the Gospel of Barnabas in his other book, Apocryphal New Testament: It is said that the Gospel of Barnabas ought to have been included. Of that Gospel, the Rev. Supposed that there were no fragments extant. He refers to the Italian MS. Of it in Prince Eugene's Library, quoted by Toland and La Monnoy, and gives their citations, at the same time observing that the piece is a Mahometan imposture.
From another MS. Belonging to Dr.
Monkhouse, the Rev. Joseph White, in the notes to his, produces a long extract. Sale, who in his translation of the Koran, notices this Gospel, likewise had a MS.
Of it, which after his death was purchased by the Rev. Calamy, who permitted a copy to be taken by Mr., the portrait collector: on his decease it became the property of Mr. Joseph Ames, author of the History of Printing, and is now in my possession.
The transcript was rediscovered in the 1970s in the 's among the books of, labelled in English 'Transcribed from ms. In possession of the Revd Mr Edm.
Callamy who bought it at the decease of Mr George Sale. And now gave me at the decease of Mr, 1745; (signed) N. The Sydney manuscript therefore is a copy of Sale's own transcript; and has 130 pages but does not contain the entire text, as at the bottom of page 116 there is a note Cap 121 to 200 wanting, such that page 117 resumes with chapter 200 (in the Spanish numeration).
Comparing the Sydney transcript with the counterpart passages quoted in Spanish by Sale, there are no substantial differences, but it would appear that sometime between Sale's death in 1736 and 1745 some 80 chapters of his transcript had been lost; and are consequently also missing from the Sydney copy. Fisher Library, University of Sydney. To the left of the image is Fisher North, and to the right is Fisher South. The Spanish text is preceded by a note claiming that it was translated from Italian by Mustafa de Aranda, an Aragonese Muslim resident in.
A Morisco letter of around 1630, now in Madrid, confirms de Aranda as an associate of Ibrahim al-Taybili, in whose works is found the earliest reference to the Spanish Gospel. In the Spanish text, the translator's note is itself preceded by a Preface by one assuming the pseudonym 'Fra Marino', claiming to have stolen a copy of the Italian version from the library of. Fra Marino, clearly a high ranking Italian ecclesiastic, reports that having a post in the Court, he had come into possession of several works which led him to believe that the Biblical text had been corrupted and that genuine apostolic texts had been improperly excluded.
Fra Marino also claims to have been alerted to the existence of the Gospel of Barnabas, from an allusion in a work by against Paul; in a book which had been presented to him by a lady of the family. Outside Rome was a Colonna estate, and during the later 16th century Cardinal, a close associate of both Sixtus V and, was building a palazzo there. The linguistic forms, spelling and punctuation of the Spanish text (as recorded in the Sydney transcript) are generally close to standard Castilian of the late 16th century; and lack the idiosyncrasies of the Italian manuscript. Hence, linguistically, the surviving Spanish text appears later than the surviving Italian text; but this does not necessarily confirm that the underlying Spanish text is secondary. Comparison Aside from the missing 80 chapters, there are differences in the chapter divisions between the Italian and Spanish texts; and also between the Sydney transcript and the Spanish passages quoted by Dr. White in English. The Italian and Spanish chapters agree for the prologue and up to chapter 116.
Chapter 117 in the Italian version is split into Chapters 117 and 118 in the Spanish; and then Chapters 118 and 119 in the Italian correspond with 119 in the Spanish. Chapter 120, before the lacuna, is common to both; but when the Spanish manuscript resumes, its numbered Chapter 200 corresponds to the numbered Italian Chapter 199. The two versions continue one chapter out of phase for the rest of the book so that the final Chapter 222 in the Sydney transcript corresponds to Chapter 221 in the Italian.
The final Chapter 222 in the Italian is missing from the Spanish text. In the quotations of Joseph White, there is a further difference in that the long Chapter 218 (217 in the Italian text) is split, so that Chapter 220 in Dr. White's text corresponds to Chapter 219 in the Sydney transcript and Chapter 218 in the Italian manuscript. White's Chapter 221 corresponds with both Chapters 220 and 221 in the Sydney transcript, and Chapters 219 and 220 in the Italian. In this context it may be noted that Chapter 218 in the Italian manuscript contains a corrected chapter division, in that the scribe originally split off the final paragraph into the start of Chapter 219, and then erased and overwrote the division. This suggests that whatever text the scribe of the Italian manuscript was using as his copy, was unclear as to chapter divisions at this point.
Besides the absent final chapter, and the large lacuna already noted; the Spanish text also misses a section of around 100 words from its Chapter 222 (Chapter 221 in the Italian) and another substantial but shorter section from Chapter 211 (Chapter 210 in the Italian). These may be related to Sale's note that the manuscript was damaged towards the end. Otherwise there are numerous points where words present in the Italian text (and necessary for the sense) are not represented in the Spanish translation. Conversely there are also around a dozen places where the Raggs had speculated that a word or phrase might have been accidentally omitted in their Italian text, and in all these instances, the Spanish text supplies the missing words.
Unlike the Italian text, the Spanish text has no Arabic marginal notes or chapter summaries, nor are the Italian titles for the first twenty-seven chapters represented in the Spanish. There is a title provided in the Spanish text above the Prologue but this differs from that provided above the Prologue in the Italian text.
Contrariwise, there is a title provided above Chapter 218 in the Sydney transcript, which is not found either above the corresponding Chapter 217 in the Italian text, nor is quoted at this point by Dr. Other than in their respective copyist errors, there appear to be few substantial differences of meaning between the Spanish and Italian text; but one notable variant is found in the description of the crucifixion of Judas Iscariot in Chapter 218 in the Spanish text (217 in the Italian text). Jesus Christ has been miraculously abstracted from the action; and Judas, transformed into the likeness of Jesus, is crucified in his place. In the Spanish manuscript, and Dr.
White's translation, it is said that all Jesus's disciples remained fooled by the transformation throughout the crucifixion 'excepting Peter'; but this specific qualification is not present in the Italian text, nor is Peter stated as an exception in the earlier account of the transformation itself in Chapter 217 of the Spanish text. —:6 ( is an Arabic name from the same root as Muhammad: = ح - م - د.) A Muslim scholarly tradition links this Qur'anic passage to the New Testament references to the Paraclete in the canonical Gospel of John (14:16, 14:26, 15:26, 16:7). The Greek word ' can be translated as 'Counsellor', and refers according to Christians to the. Some Muslim scholars, have noted the similarity to the Greek 'peryklytos' which can be translated as 'admirable one'; or in Arabic, 'Ahmad'. The name of 'Muhammad' is frequently mentioned verbatim in the Gospel of Barnabas, as in the following quote: Jesus answered: 'The name of the Messiah is admirable, for God himself gave him the name when he had created his soul, and placed it in a celestial splendour. God said: 'Wait Mohammed; for thy sake I will to create paradise, the world, and a great multitude of creatures, whereof I make thee a present, insomuch that whoso bless thee shall be blessed, and whoso shall curse thee shall be accursed. When I shall send thee into the world I shall send thee as my messenger of salvation, and thy word shall be true, insomuch that heaven and earth shall fail, but thy faith shall never fail.'
Mohammed is his blessed name.' Then the crowd lifted up their voices, saying: 'O God, send us thy messenger: O Admirable One, come quickly for the salvation of the world!' — However, while there are many passages where the Gospel of Barnabas sets out alternative readings to parallel found in the canonical gospels, none of the references to Muhammad by name occurs in such a passage; and in particular, none of the 'Muhammad' references in Barnabas corresponds to a 'Paraclete' reference in canonical John.
There is only one instance where the Gospel of Barnabas might be understood as 'correcting' a known canonical pericope, so as to record a prophecy by Jesus of the (unnamed) Messenger of God: Then Jesus said: 'I am a voice that cries through all Judea, and cries: 'Prepare you the way for the messenger of the Lord', even as it is written in Esaias.' They said: 'If you be not the Messiah nor Elijah, or any prophet, wherefore do you preach new doctrine, and make yourself of more account than the Messiah?' Jesus answered: 'The miracles which God works by my hands show that I speak that which God wills; nor indeed do I make myself to be accounted as him of whom you speak. For I am not worthy to unloose the ties of the hosen or the ratchets of the shoes of the Messenger of God whom you call 'Messiah', who was made before me, and shall come after me, and shall bring the words of truth, so that his faith shall have no end.'
— Chapter 43 This passage corresponds closely with the canonical John 1:19–30, except that in that passage, the words are spoken by John the Baptist and refer to Jesus. John the Baptist does not feature at all in the Gospel of Barnabas - although in the Qur'an he is identified as the revered prophet Yahya ibn Zakariya, foretelling Jesus. Nor does the Gospel of Barnabas have any reference to the baptism of Jesus or baptism in general.
Muhammad as the Messiah According to one version of the Gospel of Barnabas: Then said the priest: 'How shall the Messiah be called?' Jesus answered 'Muhammed is his blessed name'. — According to the canonical Gospels, Jesus was the 'son' (descendant) of David; thus, Hajj Sayed argues that this statement confirms the Gospel of Barnabas' point. The idea of the Messiah as an Arab is also found in another chapter of Gospel of Barnabas: If I work iniquity, reprove me, and God will love you, because you shall be doing his will, but if none can reprove me of sin it is a sign that you are not sons of Abraham as you call yourselves, nor are you incorporate with that head wherein Abraham was incorporate. As God lives, so greatly did Abraham love God, that he not only brake in pieces the false idols and forsook his father and mother, but was willing to slay his own son in obedience to God.
The high priest answered: 'This I ask of you, and I do not seek to slay you, wherefore tell us: Who was this son of Abraham?' Jesus answered: 'The zeal of your honour, O God, inflames me, and I cannot hold my peace. Truly I say, the son of Abraham was Ishmael, from whom must be descended the Messiah promised to Abraham, that in him should all the tribes of the earth be blessed.' Then was the high priest wroth, hearing this, and cried out: 'Let us stone this impious fellow, for he is an Ishmaelite, and has spoken blasphemy against Moses and against the Law of God.' — Barnabas 208:1–2 Here, one version of the Gospel of Barnabas also quotes Jesus as saying that the sacrificed son of Abraham was Ishmael not Isaac, conforming to Islamic belief but disagreeing with Jewish and Christian belief. A connection might also be drawn between the last paragraph's statement that 'in him should all the tribes of the earth be blessed', and the meaning of the name 'Muhammad', the 'Praised (or Blessed) One'.
Jesus is neither God nor Son of God According to the Gospel of Barnabas, Jesus foresaw and rejected his own deification: And having said this, Jesus smote his face with both his hands, and then smote the ground with his head. And having raised his head, he said: 'Cursed be every one who shall insert into my sayings that I am the son of God.'
Paul and Barnabas at Lystra by (1650 painting) Hajj Sayed argues that the description of the conflict between Paul and Barnabas in Galatians supports the idea that the Gospel of Barnabas existed at the time of Paul. Blackhirst has suggested, by contrast, that Galatian's account of this argument could be the reason the gospel's writer attributed it to Barnabas. Paul writes in : When Peter came to Antioch, I opposed him to his face, because he was clearly in the wrong.
Before certain men came from James, he used to eat with the Gentiles. But when they arrived, he began to draw back and separate himself from the Gentiles because he was afraid of those who belonged to the circumcision group.
The other Jews joined him in his hypocrisy, so that by their hypocrisy even Barnabas was led astray. — Galatians 2:11–14 Paul was attacking Peter for 'trying to satisfy the Jews' by sticking to their laws, such as circumcision. It is contended that at this point Barnabas was following Peter and disagreeing with Paul. — Introduction to the Gospel of Barnabas From the previous passages, it is argued that in the beginning, Paul and Barnabas were getting along with each other; but that at the end, they started to depart in their beliefs to give to the importance of the Jewish law.
Other non-canonical differences According to the following passage, Jesus talked to Barnabas and gave him a secret: Jesus, weeping, said: 'O Barnabas, it is necessary that I should reveal to you great secrets, which, after that I shall be departed from the world, you shall reveal to it.' Then answered he that writes, weeping, and said: 'Suffer me to weep, O master, and other men also, for that we are sinners. And you, that are a holy one and prophet of God, it is not fitting for you to weep so much.' Jesus answered: 'Believe me, Barnabas that I cannot weep as much as I ought. For if men had not called me God, I should have seen God here as he will be seen in paradise, and should have been safe not to fear the day of judgment.
But God knows that I am innocent, because never have I harboured thought to be held more than a poor slave. No, I tell you that if I had not been called God I should have been carried into paradise when I shall depart from the world, whereas now I shall not go thither until the judgment. Now you see if I have cause to weep. 'Know, O Barnabas, that for this I must have great persecution, and shall be sold by one of my disciples for thirty pieces of money. Whereupon I am sure that he who shall sell me shall be slain in my name, for that God shall take me up from the earth, and shall change the appearance of the traitor so that every one shall believe him to be me; nevertheless, when he dies an evil death, I shall abide in that dishonour for a long time in the world.
But when Muhammad shall come, the sacred Messenger of God, that infamy shall be taken away. And this shall God do because I have confessed the truth of the Messiah who shall give me this reward, that I shall be known to be alive and to be a stranger to that death of infamy.' Some readers have noted that the Gospel of Barnabas contains a number of and historical incongruities:. It has Jesus sailing across the Sea of to – which is actually inland; and thence going 'up' to – which is actually on the lakeside (chapters 20–21). Jesus is said to have been born during the rule of, which began after the year 26. Barnabas appears not to realize that ' and ' are synonyms, 'Christ' ( ) being a translation of the word messiah ( ), both having the meaning of 'anointed'. The Gospel of Barnabas thus errs in describing Jesus as 'Jesus Christ' (lit.
'Messiah Jesus' in Greek), yet claiming that 'Jesus confessed and said the truth, 'I am not the Messiah' (ch. There is reference to a which is to be held every hundred years (Chapter 82), rather than every fifty years as described in: 25. This anachronism appears to link the Gospel of Barnabas to the declaration of a Holy Year in 1300 by; a Jubilee which he then decreed should be repeated every hundred years. In 1343 the interval between Holy Years was reduced by to fifty years. eat an apple (ch. 40); whereas the traditional association of the Fruit of the ( 2:9,17; 3:5) with the apple rests on the translation of the into, where both 'apple' and 'evil' are rendered as 'malum'.
The Gospel talks of wine being stored in wooden casks (chapter 152). Casks of palm wood were used by the fifth century B.C., when shipped wine to.
Oaken casks were a characteristic of Gaul and Northern Italy, and were not commonly used for wine in the Roman empire until after 300 CE; whereas wine in 1st century Palestine was always stored in wineskins and jars. The Pedunculate or Quercus robur does not grow in; and the wood of other species is not sufficiently airtight to be used in wine casks. In Chapter 91, the 'Forty Days' is referred to as an annual fast.
This corresponds to the Christian tradition of fasting for forty days in; a practice that is not witnessed earlier than the (325). Nor is there a forty days' fast in Judaism of the period (see, volume, 'Days of Fasting'). Where the Gospel of Barnabas includes quotations from the, these correspond to readings as found in the Latin rather than as found in either the Greek, or the Hebrew.
The Latin Vulgate translation was a work that began in 382 AD, centuries after the death of Barnabas. In Chapter 54 it says: 'For he would get in change a piece of gold must have sixty mites' (Italian minuti). In the New Testament period, the only golden coin, the, was worth approximately 3,200 of the smallest bronze coin, the (translated into Latin as minuti); while the Roman standard silver coin, the, was worth 128 lepta. The rate of exchange of 1:60 implied in the Gospel of Barnabas was, however, a commonplace of late medieval interpretation of the counterpart passage in the canonical Gospels (Mark 12:42), arising from the standard medieval understanding of minuti as meaning 'a sixtieth part'. Chapter 91 records three contending Jewish armies 200,000 strong at Mizpeh, totaling 600,000 men, at a time when the Roman army across the entire Empire had a total strength estimated as 300,000. In Chapter 119 Jesus instances sugar and gold as substances of equivalent rarity and value.
Although the properties of had been known in India in antiquity,. From the 11th to 15th centuries, the sugar trade into Europe was an Arab monopoly, and its value was often compared with gold.
From the mid-15th century, however, large-scale sugar estates were established in the and the, and sugar, although still a luxury item, ceased to be exceptionally rare. Islamic perspectives Since the publication of English, Arabic, and Urdu translations at the beginning of the 20th century, the work has been popularly cited in support of the.
Islamic writers who cite the work include, Muhammad Ata ur-Rahim, and. Standard Muslim teaching asserts that the Arabic name for the Evangel or the prophetic Gospel delivered through the prophet (Jesus of Nazareth), has been irretrievably corrupted and distorted in the course of Christian transmission. In consequence, no reliance can be placed on any text in the Christian tradition (including the four canonical gospels of the Christian New Testament) as truly representing the teachings of Jesus.
Viewed from an orthodox Islamic perspective, the Gospel of Barnabas might be considered a Christian work, as its many points of difference from the Qur'an suggest; hence, it too may be expected to have undergone corruption and distortion. Consequently, no orthodox Muslim writer – accepts the Gospel of Barnabas as transmitting the authentic Injil, and few deny that the known Italian text contains substantial elements of late fabrication. Nevertheless, Muslim writers sometimes note those elements of the Gospel of Barnabas that stand in accord with standard Qur'anic teaching, such as the denial of Jesus as being Son of God and the prophetic prediction by Jesus of the coming Messenger of God and, consequently, some Muslims are inclined to regard these specific elements as representing the survival of suppressed early Jesus traditions much more compatible with Islam. Possible Syriac manuscripts. Ethnography Museum of Ankara, where an alleged manuscript copy is held. In 1985, it was briefly claimed that an early copy of this gospel had been found near in eastern. However, it has since been demonstrated that this manuscript actually contains the canonical Bible.
In February 2012, it was confirmed by the that a 52-page biblical manuscript in Syriac writing had been deposited in the. Newspaper reports in Turkey claimed that the manuscript had been found in Cyprus in 2000, in an operation conducted by police against smugglers, and had been kept in a police repository since then; and further speculated that the text of the manuscript could be that of the Gospel of Barnabas. Photographs of a cover page have been widely published, on which can be read an inscription in a recent hand, stating 'In the name of our Lord, this book is written on the hands of the monks of the high monastery in, in the 1,500th year of our Lord'. No subsequent confirmation has been published, either as to the contents of the Ankara manuscript, or as to any findings of scientific tests for its age and authenticity. See also.
based on the Gospel of Barnabas. Notes.
A secret Bible in which Jesus is believed to predict the coming of the Prophet Muhammad to Earth has sparked serious interest from the Vatican. Pope Benedict XVI is claimed to want to see the 1,500-year-old book, which many say is the Gospel of Barnabas, that has been hidden by the Turkish state for the last 12 years. The £14million handwritten gold lettered tome, penned in Jesus' native Aramaic language, is said to contain his early teachings and a prediction of the Prophet's coming. They claim this ancient Bible proves Muhammad, peace be upon him, is the prophet.But it also says he is the Christ!
Ofcource dont believe Muhammad s.a.w was Christ. If this bible is true then he must says Jesus is the Christ.Here now is the criticism of the text presented, based soley on the content: 'In one version of the gospel, he is said to have told a priest: 'How shall the Messiah be called?
Mohammed is his blessed name.and in another, Jesus denied being the Messiah, claiming that he or she would be Ishmaelite, the term used for an Arab,' he added.